November 2011, Paris
Our Great Syrian Nation
It was highly apparent that when the Arab Socialist Baath Party took over power at both the peak and base levels that its cadres were not mature enough to assume such responsibility. What made things worse was that it happened at a time of a transition to socialism; an ideal that as well as being foreign to our people in a theoretical context was also alien to it in terms of practice. So, the entire Syrian society was suffering from this burden of contradictions which led to people at all levels being forced to seek a suitable solution. That attempt led us, as a society, to a spontaneous conflict despite a complete lack of understanding of the nature of the situation. Thus, the status quo was portrayed in a false manner, and it was annotated under different banners such as familial, clannish, tribal, sectarian and racial. We do not believe that this was the case in reality, apart for the very few. However, the continuing divisions within the State and Party created a cause for a chronic illness under the so-called central democracy, which is in fact totalitarian. This resulted in a mimicking of socialist entities around us that are different in organism, composition and affiliation. The forms of affiliation were numerous in theoretical and implementation levels. Also, theories for implementation were abundant due to a shift from central democracy to a power that fully assumed national responsibility, along with all its advantages and disadvantages. This trend grew, with the transition towards dictatorship of the person, the leader, the caring and guardian father to the diversified responsibilities of the present. The 'Arab Spring' was a manifestation of the frustration in social and national responsibility, and called for change in the national social discourse to another discourse that takes into account the 'elite', the middle and the poor classes. Unfortunately, the gap between these classes was so evident in social life that it became a norm despite the obvious contradictions in practice. Those classes continued living in a state of caution and fear of a collision that might occur between them, especially so, when everyone realised that the socialist theory had become extinct. Some were looking for a solution to this stark reality, but everyone waited.
However, some of the traditional (Salafi) forces decided to seek to assume responsibility, and therefore, they rioted under different slogans, declaring that a revolution of faith would resolve the issue. These forces carried out what we could call a revolution, starting in Egypt, on the basis of the Palestinian cause, and ending in Syria – following on from the first split of the Baath Party in 1966, when it became separated into two groups in Iraq and Syria. Dissidents, in both Iraq and Syria, began to raise sectarian and religious slogans, utilising them at the expense of State and Party. The foundation of this was created during the socialist nationalism and the revolution of faith that accompanied it on 8 March, 1963 through to 1982, via an armed conflict brought on by the revolution of faith in Syria which was backed by Iraq; while the dissidents in Iraq also brought about an armed revolution of faith which was backed by Syria. It was difficult for everyone to distinguish between the revolution of faith and the national socialist revolution – to a point where people were not able to differentiate between right and wrong.
During the current 'Arab Spring' the revolution of faith has triumphed in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt, and probably will in Yemen. Nevertheless, we strongly assure that the partial success of this revolution shall not lead to the fulfilment of the ambitious target of these revolutions of faith.
The fall will be greater and more severe than that of the national socialist setbacks in Algeria, Libya, Egypt, Yemen, Syria and Iraq.
It has been necessary to refer briefly to this period before commencing to address today’s Syria. These divisions still exist within the national socialist revolution and the conflict between theory and implementation has not ceased at a time when a vision of the revolution of faith has matured, to the effect that Syria has a uniqueness when compared to the rest of the Muslim countries. This uniqueness is evident in location, history, culture and heritage, and where our Syria constitutes the axis of regional conflict and the mechanism that regenerates itself to lead to great wars, the results of which are still an unknown entity to all.
Today, we do not have the right to speak excessively due to the way that the current media circulates news and information as they have nothing to do with reality and are set extremely far apart from science and knowledge. We must, therefore, strive to assume a responsible position in a spirit of solidarity as we are a group that has the ethics of the national democratic faith revolution and to also take into account our national and pan-national uniqueness as a right towards a national and pan-national fate.
We carry the moral of the revolution in our souls, and we have the right to decide the fate of our people and of other nations, from the Arabian Gulf to the Atlantic Ocean, as well as to recover the Arab territories that were occupied in 1967.
We call for national unity in Syria, for tomorrow’s Syria, a country where participation, diversity, and history are apparent. A Syria where other races that share this land with us will join hands to substantiate a forum for dialogue that cannot be surpassed, where a belief in Allah and in universal humanness are paramount. Let us call for the one-as-all revolution of the Syrian people and beseech our neighbours to assist in its revolution, as we have a right in the same manner as they to assert their rights towards us. We oppose foreign intervention in all forms, except Arabian intervention which has a legitimate right to act as the heart and pulse of the revolution.
Finally, we can assure you of the triumph of the democratic revolution in Syria which shall ensure the success of the 'Arab Spring’ through alignment of its path. Long live our Syrian nation and long live its message which has been anticipated by everyone to achieve national unity and carry forward its message embedded in the trinity of Justice, Peace and Freedom. Our Syrian nation must glance, with justice and responsibility, at our Kurdish brothers who live on their historic lands from Iran through Iraq and Syria to Klikia in Turkey. This nation, and those people, must be able to interact within their geographical borders and we Syrian people have to assume a responsible stance to achieve self-determination for the Kurdish nation, in the same manner as we strive to accomplish self-determination for the Arabs, where continual and perpetual struggle tends towards cooperation in order to serve nations that fight for their respective rights. Belief in the national character, and the ability to achieve aspirations through struggle to achieve human unity, has to be supported by all. This must be centred in our culture and is rich within our civilisation in its pursuit for a democratic path but which occasionally shows signs of absence. This is demonstrated through the fierce opposition towards the democratic life where the many illnesses that our Syrian nation suffers will be abolished and lead us towards a brilliant future for our heroic and warrior nation. We have full faith in The National Democratic Council of Syria and that triumph shall be achieved through its efforts. Therefore, accomplishing national unity shall assist us to overcome those considerable layers that have accumulated through a long history where authentic life was absent from our country and region.
Paris, 13 November 2011